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.173 Cf.e.g.Kertzer (1988), 97 8, on the psychological effectiveness of obligatorypublic rituals in Nazi Germany.174 Watson (1992), 44 50, discusses early religious and legal aspects of oaths.Weinstock (1970), 217 27, outlines their development under Caesar.175 Syme (1939), 293.176 Compare Classen (1993 [1963]) on human divinity in the Roman republic.177 Shackleton Bailey (2000), ad loc., following Torrenius, emends to  ships(naves).178 Cf.again 9.11.ext.4: sed uigilarunt oculi deorum, sidera suum uigorem obtinuerunt,arae, puluinaria, templa praesenti numine uallata sunt.Compare also Martin(1982), 131 2, on the connection of prouidentia and astrology.Valerius enthu-siasm for stars may be contrasted with the dearth of astrological interest223NOTESKöves-Zulauf (1978), 254 5, finds evinced by Pliny.Valerius belief in starswould, however, put him in the mainstream of imperial thought.CompareCumont (1956 [1911]), 162 95, on astrology under the empire.Nevertheless,all star systems (as all gods) are not equal.Foreign interpretations, as Valerius1.3.2 (regarding the expulsion of Chaldaeans and Jews) points out, must some-times be expelled.179 Valerius corroborates Fears (1981c), 831, who argues that virtue  was a concretecondition brought about by the concrete manifestation of divine power.180 Rostovtzeff (1927), 107.181 Cf.Sussman (1978), 26 33, on Seneca the elder s politics:  Seneca & exempli-fied the conservative ideals of Roman manhood (26).182 Morawski (1892), 1.183 Cf.Rostovtzeff (1926), 1, 75 100, on the formation of a substantial urbanbourgeoisie under the early Julio-Claudians, fostered in part by the crucialdevelopment of imperial bureaucracy under Tiberius (thus securing, for themoment at least, relative peace and prosperity):  On this bourgeoisie, alongwith the army, rested in the last resort the power of the emperors (99).184 De Ste.Croix (1983), 572 n.65.185 Weileder (1998), 320.186 Compare Yavetz (1988 [1969]), 88 91, on Augustus arrogation of tribuniciapotestas (bringing of course sacrosanctitas with it), which, he argues,  helped theprinceps to consolidate his position among the common people (91), especiallyvis-à-vis the senatorial class.4 Ritual vocabulary and moral imperatives1 The contribution of Valerius Maximus to an understanding of republican reli-gious institutions is best explored in the commentary of Wardle (1998) onValerius first book.The present essay constitutes an investigation of therhetorical uses of traditional Roman religion in the age of Tiberius.2 On Valerius enthusiasm for (victorious) war, compare Weileder (1998), 237 41.3 My representation of technical aspects relies on Linderski (1986a), 2207 and2214 n.256, as well as (1993a), 60 1.4 Cf.Walde (1965), s.v. auspex, and Ernout and Meillet (1967 [1959]), s.v. avis.5 Cf.Linderski (1986a), 2226 9, and for further literature especially, 2227 n.316; cf.also Linderski (1990b).6 On auspicia ex tripudiis, see Linderski (1986a), 2155 6, 2213 14, 2229, 2232n.337, 2240 n.374, 2286, 2292, 2294.7 For details and sources, cf.MRR sub anno 393 where the anecdote fromValerius (7.2.5) is incorrectly listed as 7.5.5.8 On ementita auspicia, see Linderski (1986a), 2207 and 2214 n.256.9  Natural morality implies that  truth is  by nature superior to  falsehood(the pullarius lied), a doctrine not to be imputed hastily or lightly in our ownpostmodern times without risk of occasioning charges of arrogance, but adoctrine that, if not pursued to extremes, might allow a legitimate basis ofcomparison between religious systems and their relation to ethical conduct.And modern religions do indeed sometimes stress ethical or moral conduct.Does the ritual logic of Papirius Cursor also reveal ethical considerations or, ashas been maintained, at worst cynical manipulation of ritual processes and atbest simply its own logic whose considerations were pragmatic and not at allethical?224NOTES10 The gods, moreover, punish those whose faith fails.Alexander, another king,loved his wife but did not trust her, sending guards to search her bed beforehimself entering.She, angry, not about his lack of trust, but about his extramar-ital affairs, kills him.His death, in Valerius professed view, derives from theanger of gods: supplicium irato deorum numine conpositum, neque libidini neque timoriposse imperare (9.13.ext.3).Failure of self-control is coupled with lack of trust.The faith that resides in the human heart could at least have reigned in fear,which, in turn, could presumably have transformed lust into something morenoble and less likely to anger the divine force of the gods.On Valerius languageof love-sickness (in comparison with Seneca the Elder), see Falcone (1960).11 Compare the ancient Christian definitions of fides listed by Fraenkel (1912 26),689.47 689.49, in order to illustrate specifically Christian usage:  ISID.diff.1,486 fides est credulitas, qua deum confitemur.orig.8,2,4 fides est quaveraciter credimus id quod nequaquam videre valemus. Reading through theChristian citations, one discovers that, aside from belief in specifically Christiandogma, there is not much to choose between Christian fides and ancient, espe-cially inasmuch as classical fides was always informed by religion [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]